Memoir Doesn't Cover Cuban Missile Crisis, Leaving
Questions Unanswered, Nuclear Mysteries Unsolved
Ahead of the 50th anniversary of the Cuban Missile Crisis, Fidel Castro is promoting his memoir and again warning that the Iranian nuclear standoff could lead to a nuclear war.
This reporter has not read the 1,000-page, two-volume tome, Fidel Castro: Guerrilla of Time, but as the book covers Castro's life from childhood to the peak of Cuba's 1958 revolution, it is safe to assume that it offers nothing new concerning the 1962 crisis that brought the United States and the Soviet Union to the brink of a nuclear conflict. Which is unfortunate, because a more comprehensive, clearer understanding of the most dangerous superpower confrontation of the Cold War, which Cubans call the October Crisis, and Russians refer to as the Caribbean Crisis, is extremely relevant in light of (a) Cuba's support for Iran's atomic ayatollah and missile-mad mullahs and close cooperation with the mullahocracy in the area of biotechnology/biowarfare, and (b) the pro-appeasement argument that says the U.S. and Israel must, if need be, learn to live with a nuclear Iran. In this regard, the questions set forth below seem especially timely.
Undetected Nuclear Warheads
Did the Soviet Union remove all its tactical nuclear weapons (TNWs) from Cuba, or were some secretly left behind? It took 30 years for the U.S. to learn about the undetected Soviet TNWs--100 short-range rockets and airplane bombs--the last of which reportedly left Cuba on Christmas Day, 1962. As there has never been any U.S. or third-party verification of Soviet/Cuban compliance with regard to nuclear weapons removal, how can we be sure that all atomic arms were actually shipped back to the Soviet Union? (Click here to read more about the Cuban TNW mystery.)
For that matter, how can we be certain that successive U.S. administrations have not effectively collaborated with Cuba in keeping the existence of one or more left-behind TNWs a secret in order to avoid frightening the U.S. public and embarrassing the U.S. government into having to do something about an inherent national security threat? There is reason to believe that the Kennedy administration would not have pressed for removal of Soviet TNWs from Cuba in the first place, believing (incorrectly) that the weapons could be used only for defensive purposes, or, in a worst case scenario, to destroy the U.S. Naval base at Guantanamo Bay.
Immunity from Intervention
Continuing this line of thought, is it possible that a covert Cuban TNW capability, coupled with an arsenal of Cuban-made germ weapons, rather than the U.S. non-invasion pledge that was a key part of the deal to end the missile crisis (the other part being Kennedy's secret promise to remove U.S. missiles from Turkey) is the real reason that Communist Cuba has been immune from further U.S. intervention since the end of the missile crisis?
Perhaps the existence of weapons of mass destruction, some of which could have even been smuggled into the U.S. itself for future deterrence or suicide strike/sneak attack purposes, best explains why, in the years following the missile crisis, a tiny, impoverished, island nation located just 90 miles from Florida--an island, incredibly, on which the U.S. military, as indicated above, maintained (and still maintains) a base--was allowed to subvert pro-U.S. governments in Latin America and to send troops and intelligence officers half-way around the world, to Africa and the Middle East, in support of Soviet allies and terrorist proxies. Maybe three letters--WMD--explain why two decades after the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the U.S., which conducted a $3 billion covert war in faraway Afghanistan aimed at hastening the Soviet crackup by bleeding Moscow dry, has, apart from an economic embargo of Cuba, made no serious attempt at regime change in America's own backyard, and why, finally, the Castro regime is not only still firmly entrenched in Havana but bold enough to back and play host to visiting Iranian maniacs who muse openly about "a world without America and Zionism" and, more immediately, establishing "direct contact with the United States" in the Gulf of Mexico.
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